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The Social Contract

by Jean-Jacques Rousseau

Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains. Rousseau's short, dense argument for the only legitimate form of authority: a contract among equals, governed by the general will. The book the French Revolution thought it was reading.

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Chapters
  1. Chapter 1Book 1, Chapter 1 — Subject of the First Book
  2. Chapter 2Book 1, Chapter 2 — The First Societies
  3. Chapter 3Book 1, Chapter 3 — The Right of the Strongest
  4. Chapter 4Book 1, Chapter 4 — Slavery
  5. Chapter 5Book 1, Chapter 5 — That We Must Always Go Back to a First Convention
  6. Chapter 6Book 1, Chapter 6 — The Social Compact
  7. Chapter 7Book 1, Chapter 7 — The Sovereign
  8. Chapter 8Book 1, Chapter 8 — The Civil State
  9. Chapter 9Book 1, Chapter 9 — Real Property
  10. Chapter 10Book 2, Chapter 1 — That Sovereignty Is Inalienable
  11. Chapter 11Book 2, Chapter 2 — That Sovereignty Is Indivisible
  12. Chapter 12Book 2, Chapter 3 — Whether the General Will Is Fallible
  13. Chapter 13Book 2, Chapter 4 — The Limits of the Sovereign Power
  14. Chapter 14Book 2, Chapter 5 — The Right of Life and Death
  15. Chapter 15Book 2, Chapter 6 — Law
  16. Chapter 16Book 2, Chapter 7 — The Legislator
  17. Chapter 17Book 2, Chapter 8 — The People
  18. Chapter 18Book 2, Chapter 9 — The People (continued)
  19. Chapter 19Book 2, Chapter 10 — The People (continued)
  20. Chapter 20Book 2, Chapter 11 — The Various Systems of Legislation
  21. Chapter 21Book 2, Chapter 12 — The Division of the Laws
  22. Chapter 22Book 3, Chapter 1 — Government in General
  23. Chapter 23Book 3, Chapter 2 — The Constituent Principle in the Various Forms of Government
  24. Chapter 24Book 3, Chapter 3 — The Division of Governments
  25. Chapter 25Book 3, Chapter 4 — Democracy
  26. Chapter 26Book 3, Chapter 5 — Aristocracy
  27. Chapter 27Book 3, Chapter 6 — Monarchy
  28. Chapter 28Book 3, Chapter 7 — Mixed Governments
  29. Chapter 29Book 3, Chapter 8 — That All Forms of Government Do Not Suit All Countries
  30. Chapter 30Book 3, Chapter 9 — The Marks of a Good Government
  31. Chapter 31Book 3, Chapter 10 — The Abuse of Government and Its Tendency to Degenerate
  32. Chapter 32Book 3, Chapter 11 — The Death of the Body Politic
  33. Chapter 33Book 3, Chapter 12 — How the Sovereign Authority Maintains Itself
  34. Chapter 34Book 3, Chapter 13 — The Same (continued)
  35. Chapter 35Book 3, Chapter 14 — The Same (continued)
  36. Chapter 36Book 3, Chapter 15 — Deputies or Representatives
  37. Chapter 37Book 3, Chapter 16 — That the Institution of Government Is Not a Contract
  38. Chapter 38Book 3, Chapter 17 — The Institution of Government
  39. Chapter 39Book 3, Chapter 18 — How to Check the Usurpations of Government
  40. Chapter 40Book 4, Chapter 1 — That the General Will Is Indestructible
  41. Chapter 41Book 4, Chapter 2 — Voting
  42. Chapter 42Book 4, Chapter 3 — Elections
  43. Chapter 43Book 4, Chapter 4 — The Roman Comitia
  44. Chapter 44Book 4, Chapter 5 — The Tribunate
  45. Chapter 45Book 4, Chapter 6 — The Dictatorship
  46. Chapter 46Book 4, Chapter 7 — The Censorship
  47. Chapter 47Book 4, Chapter 8 — Civil Religion
  48. Chapter 48Book 4, Chapter 9 — Conclusion

Book 1, Chapter 1 — Subject of the First Book

I mean to inquire if, in the civil order, there can be any sure and legitimate rule of administration, men being taken as they are and laws as they might be. In this inquiry I shall endeavour always to unite what right sanctions with what is prescribed by interest, in order that justice and utility may in no case be divided.

I enter upon my task without proving the importance of the subject. I shall be asked if I am a prince or a legislator, to write on politics. I answer that I am neither, and that is why I do so. If I were a prince or a legislator, I should not waste time in saying what wants doing; I should do it, or hold my peace.

As I was born a citizen of a free State, and a member of the Sovereign, I feel that, however feeble the influence my voice can have on public affairs, the right of voting on them makes it my duty to study them: and I am happy, when I reflect upon governments, to find my inquiries always furnish me with new reasons for loving that of my own country.

Man is born free; and everywhere he is in chains. One thinks himself the master of others, and still remains a greater slave than they. How did this change come about? I do not know. What can make it legitimate? That question I think I can answer.

If I took into account only force, and the effects derived from it, I should say: "As long as a people is compelled to obey, and obeys, it does well; as soon as it can shake off the yoke, and shakes it off, it does still better; for, regaining its liberty by the same right as took it away, either it is justified in resuming it, or there was no justification for those who took it away." But the social order is a sacred right which is the basis of all other rights. Nevertheless, this right does not come from nature, and must therefore be founded on conventions. Before coming to that, I have to prove what I have just asserted.