The Social Contract
Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains. Rousseau's short, dense argument for the only legitimate form of authority: a contract among equals, governed by the general will. The book the French Revolution thought it was reading.
Start reading in Tinct →- Chapter 1Book 1, Chapter 1 — Subject of the First Book
- Chapter 2Book 1, Chapter 2 — The First Societies
- Chapter 3Book 1, Chapter 3 — The Right of the Strongest
- Chapter 4Book 1, Chapter 4 — Slavery
- Chapter 5Book 1, Chapter 5 — That We Must Always Go Back to a First Convention
- Chapter 6Book 1, Chapter 6 — The Social Compact
- Chapter 7Book 1, Chapter 7 — The Sovereign
- Chapter 8Book 1, Chapter 8 — The Civil State
- Chapter 9Book 1, Chapter 9 — Real Property
- Chapter 10Book 2, Chapter 1 — That Sovereignty Is Inalienable
- Chapter 11Book 2, Chapter 2 — That Sovereignty Is Indivisible
- Chapter 12Book 2, Chapter 3 — Whether the General Will Is Fallible
- Chapter 13Book 2, Chapter 4 — The Limits of the Sovereign Power
- Chapter 14Book 2, Chapter 5 — The Right of Life and Death
- Chapter 15Book 2, Chapter 6 — Law
- Chapter 16Book 2, Chapter 7 — The Legislator
- Chapter 17Book 2, Chapter 8 — The People
- Chapter 18Book 2, Chapter 9 — The People (continued)
- Chapter 19Book 2, Chapter 10 — The People (continued)
- Chapter 20Book 2, Chapter 11 — The Various Systems of Legislation
- Chapter 21Book 2, Chapter 12 — The Division of the Laws
- Chapter 22Book 3, Chapter 1 — Government in General
- Chapter 23Book 3, Chapter 2 — The Constituent Principle in the Various Forms of Government
- Chapter 24Book 3, Chapter 3 — The Division of Governments
- Chapter 25Book 3, Chapter 4 — Democracy
- Chapter 26Book 3, Chapter 5 — Aristocracy
- Chapter 27Book 3, Chapter 6 — Monarchy
- Chapter 28Book 3, Chapter 7 — Mixed Governments
- Chapter 29Book 3, Chapter 8 — That All Forms of Government Do Not Suit All Countries
- Chapter 30Book 3, Chapter 9 — The Marks of a Good Government
- Chapter 31Book 3, Chapter 10 — The Abuse of Government and Its Tendency to Degenerate
- Chapter 32Book 3, Chapter 11 — The Death of the Body Politic
- Chapter 33Book 3, Chapter 12 — How the Sovereign Authority Maintains Itself
- Chapter 34Book 3, Chapter 13 — The Same (continued)
- Chapter 35Book 3, Chapter 14 — The Same (continued)
- Chapter 36Book 3, Chapter 15 — Deputies or Representatives
- Chapter 37Book 3, Chapter 16 — That the Institution of Government Is Not a Contract
- Chapter 38Book 3, Chapter 17 — The Institution of Government
- Chapter 39Book 3, Chapter 18 — How to Check the Usurpations of Government
- Chapter 40Book 4, Chapter 1 — That the General Will Is Indestructible
- Chapter 41Book 4, Chapter 2 — Voting
- Chapter 42Book 4, Chapter 3 — Elections
- Chapter 43Book 4, Chapter 4 — The Roman Comitia
- Chapter 44Book 4, Chapter 5 — The Tribunate
- Chapter 45Book 4, Chapter 6 — The Dictatorship
- Chapter 46Book 4, Chapter 7 — The Censorship
- Chapter 47Book 4, Chapter 8 — Civil Religion
- Chapter 48Book 4, Chapter 9 — Conclusion
Book 1, Chapter 1 — Subject of the First Book
I mean to inquire if, in the civil order, there can be any sure and legitimate rule of administration, men being taken as they are and laws as they might be. In this inquiry I shall endeavour always to unite what right sanctions with what is prescribed by interest, in order that justice and utility may in no case be divided.
I enter upon my task without proving the importance of the subject. I shall be asked if I am a prince or a legislator, to write on politics. I answer that I am neither, and that is why I do so. If I were a prince or a legislator, I should not waste time in saying what wants doing; I should do it, or hold my peace.
As I was born a citizen of a free State, and a member of the Sovereign, I feel that, however feeble the influence my voice can have on public affairs, the right of voting on them makes it my duty to study them: and I am happy, when I reflect upon governments, to find my inquiries always furnish me with new reasons for loving that of my own country.
Man is born free; and everywhere he is in chains. One thinks himself the master of others, and still remains a greater slave than they. How did this change come about? I do not know. What can make it legitimate? That question I think I can answer.
If I took into account only force, and the effects derived from it, I should say: "As long as a people is compelled to obey, and obeys, it does well; as soon as it can shake off the yoke, and shakes it off, it does still better; for, regaining its liberty by the same right as took it away, either it is justified in resuming it, or there was no justification for those who took it away." But the social order is a sacred right which is the basis of all other rights. Nevertheless, this right does not come from nature, and must therefore be founded on conventions. Before coming to that, I have to prove what I have just asserted.